Workshop on Syntax and Semantics
on the occasion of William Miki Thorsen’s PhD defence
October 9,
2024. Building 1481, room 366, Aarhus University
Program:
11:15-11:20 |
Welcome |
11:20-12:10 |
Johan
Brandtler (&
David Håkansson): Subject placement in Swedish - a corpus study in variation |
12:20-13:10 |
Ken Ramshøj
Christensen & Anne Mette Nyvad:
Alternative agreement in Danish – mismatch or grammar? |
13:10-14:10 |
Lunch |
14:10-15-00 |
Kasper
Boye: Defining
grammaticalization and deconstructing the lexical-grammatical continuum |
15:10-16:00 |
Sten Vikner: VP-internal subjects and binding
in fronted DPs/VPs in Danish/English |
Abstracts:
Subject placement in Swedish - a corpus
study in variation
Johan Brandlter (Stockholm
University) & David
Håkansson (Uppsala University)
The aim of
this paper is to uncover the principles governing the relative ordering of the syntactic
subject and clausal negation in Swedish declarative main clauses. In standard descriptions
of the Scandinavian languages, the subject occupies a position to the immediate
linear right of the finite verb and to the left of clause adverbials: Den filmen
ville Sven inte se. According to Teleman et al (1999, 4:94), the possibility
of placing the subject to the right of adverbials is seemingly unrestricted in Swedish,
at least with nominal subjects: Den filmen ville inte Sven se. Given
that word order in Swedish is relatively strict, and that syntactic function is
based on placement within the clause rather than case marking, this seemingly ”free
variation” is a rather curious phenomenon. In this talk, we argue that subject placement
in relation to negation in the Swedish middle field is not free, but governed by
a complex interplay of a number of different factors, relating to both the subject
(length and definiteness) and the hosting clause (active/passive, simple/complex
verb phrase, clause type). Our findings are based on a corpus study containing more
than 25 million words, involving almost 3.000 sentences of nominal subjects in the
middle field.
Slides:
https://tildeweb.au.dk/au572/PhD_workshop_MWT/Brandtler_A_corpus
study_in_variation.pdf
Defining grammaticalization
and deconstructing the lexical-grammatical continuum
Kasper Boye (University of Copenhagen)
There is wide agreement about approximately what grammaticalization but a more profound understanding faces two
major challenges. One is that the presupposed distinction between grammatical and
lexical is itself hard to get a grip on (e.g. Boye &
Harder 2012: 1-6). The other challenge is that even with a theoretically anchored
and well-defined distinction between grammatical and lexical, it is not clear that
grammaticalization is a distinct type of language change rather than an epiphenomenon
(e.g. Campbell 2001: 151). Boye & Harder (2012) offered
a solution to the first challenge, arguing for an understanding of grammatical elements
as defined by conventionalized discourse secondary status (roughly, attentional
background status). However, they circumvented the second challenge. Rather than
attempting to define grammaticalization as a diachronic phenomenon, they defined
it in terms of its result, namely as “the diachronic change that gives rise to linguistic
expressions that are by convention ancillary and as such discursively secondary”
(Boye & Harder 2012: 22). This definition is problematic
as it includes all changes under grammaticalization as long as
the output is a grammatical (i.e. secondary by convention) element. This paper has
two aims: Firstly, it proposes a definition of grammaticalization which is still
based on the understanding of grammatical elements in Boye
& Harder (2012), but which targets the nature of grammaticalization as a diachronic
phenomenon: Grammaticalization is the conventionalization of discourse secondary
status. Secondly, the paper discusses central implications of the proposed definition.
Slides:
https://tildeweb.au.dk/au572/PhD_workshop_MWT/Boye_Defining_grammaticalization.pdf
Alternative agreement in Danish – mismatch
or grammar?
Ken Ramshøj Christensen & Anne Mette
Nyvad (Aarhus University)
In informal variants of spoken and (unedited) written Danish,
predicative adjectives sometimes agree with a prepositional object (P-Obj) instead
of with the subject (which is standard), even when the P-Obj is explicitly accusative,
as in ‘Dem er jeg vild-e med’
(Them, I am crazy-PLUR about). In this talk, we present evidence from a series of
experiments involving elicitation (sentence completion), acceptability judgments,
corpus data, and self-paced reading task with forced choice (G-Maze). The results
show that (1), even though people mostly produce standard agreement, it is easy
to elicit alternative agreement. The tendency is even stronger when the P-Obj is
singular and fronted. The studies also show that it is a good idea to use different
methods / experimental approaches to study the same phenomenon, because the results
partly support, partly challenge earlier results, depending on the method.
Slides: https://tildeweb.au.dk/au572/PhD_workshop_MWT/Christensen-Nyvad_Alt-AGR-DK.pdf
VP-internal
subjects and binding in fronted DPs/VPs in Danish/English
Sten Vikner (Aarhus University)
Abstract: I will present
an argument in favour of the analysis that the subject of an active sentence is
base-generated not in IP-spec (which corresponds to n in Diderichsen 1946) but further to the right, i.e. in VP-spec
(which is a position to the left of a and to the right of V in Diderichsen 1946). The argument involves fronted VPs (sende børnene
hjem turde han ikke ___ / They promised
to finish the work by 4 PM, and finish the work by 4 PM they will ___),
and it is based on the fact that reflexives and reciprocals inside such fronted
VPs behave differently from reflexives and reciprocals inside other fronted phrases,
e.g. wh-DPs (How many jokes about the herself
did the president laugh at ___?). I will discuss this difference and
show how it can be accounted for under the VP-internal subject hypothesis.
Handout:
https://tildeweb.au.dk/au132769/handouts/vikner-ho-2024-VP-int-subj--binding-in-fronted-DPs-VPs.pdf